Women's day.
This is the year of Segolene Royal, Hillary Clinton and Angela Merkel.
Royal is still misterious. Is she going to reform France at the root, or will she bring more of the old (French socialism).
Hillary is very ambitious and very experienced. But unfortunately, many men do not like ambitious women, or at least that is my feeling. They should give her a chance.
Angela Merkel is doing well despite many things. Her government formed by a large coalition is a slow machine. But Germany is improving economically and Europe is following. Merkel is also leading the European Council with more energy and ideas than their recent predecessors (notably Tony Blair).
We can only hope that 2007 will be a succesfull year for Women!
Thursday, March 08, 2007
Wednesday, March 07, 2007
The European Council is coming up...
...It will take place on the 8th and 9th of March. This is Angela Merkel's message:
Europe is at an important crossroads. If we act decisively now, we have a chance of effectively counteracting the dangers of climate change. Climate and energy policies are therefore at the centre of this European Council. We must use the spring meeting to decide on a strategy which will safeguard our energy supply and ensure climate protection on a sustainable basis. Our response to this issue will have repercussions for the future of Europe and beyond.
Europe is currently experiencing an economic upturn. The reforms undertaken as part of the Lisbon Strategy for Growth and Employment are beginning to bear fruit. We should use this positive development to further modernise Europe and its industry and make them fit to face the challenges ahead.We also intend at the forthcoming meeting to take measures to boost employment and reinforce the social dimension, as well as to promote better regulation.We begin our consultations on Thursday evening at 17.30 with an exchange of views with the President of the European Parliament, Hans-Gert Pöttering.
Following this, the first working session will take place from 18.00 to 20.00. It will be devoted to questions of energy policy and climate protection policy. Last December we decided that we would work out an action plan in the area of energy policy for Europe and tackle the political, economic and external repercussions of energy policy and climate protection policy in that context. The Commission submitted a proposal on this subject in January 2007. We shall discuss a number of priority measures at our spring Council and we shall have the opportunity on this occasion to set out a European strategy with ambitious goals and timetables. I have asked the President of the European Commission, José Manuel Barroso, to give an introductory presentation on the subject.
Europe is at an important crossroads. If we act decisively now, we have a chance of effectively counteracting the dangers of climate change. Climate and energy policies are therefore at the centre of this European Council. We must use the spring meeting to decide on a strategy which will safeguard our energy supply and ensure climate protection on a sustainable basis. Our response to this issue will have repercussions for the future of Europe and beyond.
Europe is currently experiencing an economic upturn. The reforms undertaken as part of the Lisbon Strategy for Growth and Employment are beginning to bear fruit. We should use this positive development to further modernise Europe and its industry and make them fit to face the challenges ahead.We also intend at the forthcoming meeting to take measures to boost employment and reinforce the social dimension, as well as to promote better regulation.We begin our consultations on Thursday evening at 17.30 with an exchange of views with the President of the European Parliament, Hans-Gert Pöttering.
Following this, the first working session will take place from 18.00 to 20.00. It will be devoted to questions of energy policy and climate protection policy. Last December we decided that we would work out an action plan in the area of energy policy for Europe and tackle the political, economic and external repercussions of energy policy and climate protection policy in that context. The Commission submitted a proposal on this subject in January 2007. We shall discuss a number of priority measures at our spring Council and we shall have the opportunity on this occasion to set out a European strategy with ambitious goals and timetables. I have asked the President of the European Commission, José Manuel Barroso, to give an introductory presentation on the subject.
Tuesday, March 06, 2007
David Cameron's Europe: Old, Boring, and Flawed
David Cameron, leader of the Tories in the UK, wrote a piece on his view of Europe together with Mirek Topolanek, prime minister of the Czech Republic.
The lack of ideas and projects of Mr Cameron is staggering. He claims he started a movement for european reform. He is probably unaware of the fact that there are thousand similar movements across Europe.
He makes three points as to where Europe should go. First, it should be committed to an open market. Second, it should be committed to a nationalist perspective. Third, it should be committed to a strong Transatlantic bond.
The third point is probably where we agree. It needs no commentary, if to say that he is stating the obvious. The second point goes backward instead of going forward. Europe was and is a succesfull project because it manages to go beyond national states. To fall back to that pre-WW2 position would be a dramatic failure. The first point is at best, and again, stating the obvious problem of competition in a globalized world. Everyone is aware of that. Cameron does not offer anything interesting or different or constructive.
Here's the text:
Fifty years ago this month, the post-war generation of mainland Europe came together to articulate a project conceived in hope and forged by necessity: the hope was for a peaceful and prosperous future; and the necessity was economic ruin and political division. In signing the Treaty of Rome, they laid the foundations of the European Union.
In 1973 Britain, at a time of its own economic weakness, joined what was then still a small club of nations. It was not an easy start. Britain already had strong links with strategic partners around the world through the Commonwealth, family ties and trade. And public and political opinion was split over the relative merits of membership.
This ambivalence was to characterise much of Britain’s relationship with the EU ever since. This is in stark contrast to the Czech experience. When the Iron Curtain came crashing down and a politically plural culture and free trade took root, there was little ambivalence towards the EU: joining it was a priority, not an afterthought It was necessary to entrench the new found freedoms which the Czechs fought so hard to win and the prosperity which they had so longed for.
Our countries joined the European Union for different reasons and with different enthusiasms. And we have had different experiences. But today, as leaders of our respective country’s leading centre-right political parties, we are united with a common purpose: to make the EU change so it can be a force for good in the twenty-first century.
Fifty years after the Treaty of Rome, we have a new Europe, facing new challenges and with a new generation of leaders. But we have the same EU, still too attached to the tenets of centralisation and regulation and still too interested in itself, rather than worldwide challenges such as globalisation, climate change and global poverty. A new, positive agenda for Europe means reconnecting it to these urgent priorities. It means moving towards a new flexibility and dynamism. And it means looking outwards to the world.
That is why we launched the Movement for European Reform. We will be carrying out a comprehensive review of the EU’s policies, priorities, institutional capabilities and budget, it is open to all those - public servants, professionals, diplomats, business-leaders and students - who share our determination to make the EU work better. We want to pioneer a new agenda for Europe, underpinned by what we believe to be the three key commitments for a forward-looking EU.
First, the EU should be clearly and unambiguously committed to open markets. With increased and fierce competition from countries such as India and China, Europe has to take the steps that make our economies both open and dynamic. Responding to this challenge means discarding the old habits of regulation and fighting for free trade both within and without.
But free trade must also be fair. As the world’s largest trading block, the EU has a responsibility to ensure that the benefits of economic growth are shared by everyone. We should use trade liberalisation at home to provide economic opportunities, and spur development, abroad. This EU must use its collective muscle to push the World Trade Organisation to reduce the tariffs which entrench poverty in the developing world.
Second, the EU should be committed to a Europe of nation states. This means matching the growing flexibility of the globalised economy with flexibility in the political compact between Brussels and member states. At the moment, the EU’s default response to the challenges of our times is always to reach for more power- not least through a new Constitution for Europe. There is a strong tendency to do this by debating the future of 500 million people behind closed doors. This is precisely why so many people feel disenfranchised by the European project. For the EU to be relevant in the 21st century, it must respect equal status for all EU members and, while maintaining the single market as the EU’s core, give more flexibility in areas where member states may want either closer or looser control.
A more flexible EU also means one that can continue to expand. The enlargement of the European Union – from just six in 1957 to 27 members today - has helped entrench democracy and stability from the Baltic to the Mediterranean. That is a marvellous achievement. But we cannot now allow arguments over institutional structures to block further enlargement. That means holding out a real prospect of membership to the Western Balkans, to Turkey, to the Ukraine.
Third, the EU should be committed to a strong transatlantic relationship. Europe and the United States have a deep and wide history of friendship based on shared objectives. That this remains the case today can be in no doubt. Whether it is in rising to the challenge of globalisation, articulating a coherent and progressive response to climate change, confronting the imperative of energy security, or advancing wealth creation and the principles of freedom across the world, EU member states must understand that we can achieve most by working with America, rather than against it.
Today, the Movement for European Reform is holding its inaugural conference in Brussels. A vast array of thought provoking policy-makers, thinkers and members of the public will outline how best they think Europe can marry these principles with the priorities of the 21st century: globalisation, global poverty, climate change and international security. After a year of consultation, it will publish its suggestions. Most importantly, we want to hear from you- visit our website and have your say on our shared future.
Our two countries came to the European project with different histories and motivations. But today, as a new generation of Europe’s leaders, we are committed not only to establishing a new political grouping in the European parliament, but also too making the EU fit for the 21st century: one that is a force for good in the world; one that leads by example; and one that delivers. Join us in building an EU that we can all be proud of.
The lack of ideas and projects of Mr Cameron is staggering. He claims he started a movement for european reform. He is probably unaware of the fact that there are thousand similar movements across Europe.
He makes three points as to where Europe should go. First, it should be committed to an open market. Second, it should be committed to a nationalist perspective. Third, it should be committed to a strong Transatlantic bond.
The third point is probably where we agree. It needs no commentary, if to say that he is stating the obvious. The second point goes backward instead of going forward. Europe was and is a succesfull project because it manages to go beyond national states. To fall back to that pre-WW2 position would be a dramatic failure. The first point is at best, and again, stating the obvious problem of competition in a globalized world. Everyone is aware of that. Cameron does not offer anything interesting or different or constructive.
Here's the text:
Fifty years ago this month, the post-war generation of mainland Europe came together to articulate a project conceived in hope and forged by necessity: the hope was for a peaceful and prosperous future; and the necessity was economic ruin and political division. In signing the Treaty of Rome, they laid the foundations of the European Union.
In 1973 Britain, at a time of its own economic weakness, joined what was then still a small club of nations. It was not an easy start. Britain already had strong links with strategic partners around the world through the Commonwealth, family ties and trade. And public and political opinion was split over the relative merits of membership.
This ambivalence was to characterise much of Britain’s relationship with the EU ever since. This is in stark contrast to the Czech experience. When the Iron Curtain came crashing down and a politically plural culture and free trade took root, there was little ambivalence towards the EU: joining it was a priority, not an afterthought It was necessary to entrench the new found freedoms which the Czechs fought so hard to win and the prosperity which they had so longed for.
Our countries joined the European Union for different reasons and with different enthusiasms. And we have had different experiences. But today, as leaders of our respective country’s leading centre-right political parties, we are united with a common purpose: to make the EU change so it can be a force for good in the twenty-first century.
Fifty years after the Treaty of Rome, we have a new Europe, facing new challenges and with a new generation of leaders. But we have the same EU, still too attached to the tenets of centralisation and regulation and still too interested in itself, rather than worldwide challenges such as globalisation, climate change and global poverty. A new, positive agenda for Europe means reconnecting it to these urgent priorities. It means moving towards a new flexibility and dynamism. And it means looking outwards to the world.
That is why we launched the Movement for European Reform. We will be carrying out a comprehensive review of the EU’s policies, priorities, institutional capabilities and budget, it is open to all those - public servants, professionals, diplomats, business-leaders and students - who share our determination to make the EU work better. We want to pioneer a new agenda for Europe, underpinned by what we believe to be the three key commitments for a forward-looking EU.
First, the EU should be clearly and unambiguously committed to open markets. With increased and fierce competition from countries such as India and China, Europe has to take the steps that make our economies both open and dynamic. Responding to this challenge means discarding the old habits of regulation and fighting for free trade both within and without.
But free trade must also be fair. As the world’s largest trading block, the EU has a responsibility to ensure that the benefits of economic growth are shared by everyone. We should use trade liberalisation at home to provide economic opportunities, and spur development, abroad. This EU must use its collective muscle to push the World Trade Organisation to reduce the tariffs which entrench poverty in the developing world.
Second, the EU should be committed to a Europe of nation states. This means matching the growing flexibility of the globalised economy with flexibility in the political compact between Brussels and member states. At the moment, the EU’s default response to the challenges of our times is always to reach for more power- not least through a new Constitution for Europe. There is a strong tendency to do this by debating the future of 500 million people behind closed doors. This is precisely why so many people feel disenfranchised by the European project. For the EU to be relevant in the 21st century, it must respect equal status for all EU members and, while maintaining the single market as the EU’s core, give more flexibility in areas where member states may want either closer or looser control.
A more flexible EU also means one that can continue to expand. The enlargement of the European Union – from just six in 1957 to 27 members today - has helped entrench democracy and stability from the Baltic to the Mediterranean. That is a marvellous achievement. But we cannot now allow arguments over institutional structures to block further enlargement. That means holding out a real prospect of membership to the Western Balkans, to Turkey, to the Ukraine.
Third, the EU should be committed to a strong transatlantic relationship. Europe and the United States have a deep and wide history of friendship based on shared objectives. That this remains the case today can be in no doubt. Whether it is in rising to the challenge of globalisation, articulating a coherent and progressive response to climate change, confronting the imperative of energy security, or advancing wealth creation and the principles of freedom across the world, EU member states must understand that we can achieve most by working with America, rather than against it.
Today, the Movement for European Reform is holding its inaugural conference in Brussels. A vast array of thought provoking policy-makers, thinkers and members of the public will outline how best they think Europe can marry these principles with the priorities of the 21st century: globalisation, global poverty, climate change and international security. After a year of consultation, it will publish its suggestions. Most importantly, we want to hear from you- visit our website and have your say on our shared future.
Our two countries came to the European project with different histories and motivations. But today, as a new generation of Europe’s leaders, we are committed not only to establishing a new political grouping in the European parliament, but also too making the EU fit for the 21st century: one that is a force for good in the world; one that leads by example; and one that delivers. Join us in building an EU that we can all be proud of.
Europe and North Korea
Another interesting area in which the European Presidency is actively engaged (statement released by the Presidency):
Today (Tuesday, 6 March), a delegation of the European Union, led by Germany´s EU presidency, will travel to Pyongyang in North Korea for two days of high-level political talks (6 8 March).
The aim of this trip by the EU Troika is to promote the rapid implementation of an agreement reached on 13 February in Beijing during the Six-Party Talks on North Korea´s nuclear programme. The European Union expressly welcomed this agreement. Furthermore, the delegation will emphasize that the EU expects the Six-Party Talks to continue with a view to implementing all the agreements included in the Joint Statement of 19 September 2005.
The European Union is committed to security and stability in the region and to the goal of a denuclearized Korean peninsula. For that reason, both Federal Foreign Minister Frank-Walter Steinmeier, as representative of the German presidency of the EU Council, and Javier Solana, the High Representative for the Common Foreign and Security Policy of the European Union Javier Solana, have welcomed the efforts made by the Six Parties and the understandings they have reached.
For the EU, the trip also is of an exploratory nature since the outcome of the visit will provide important guidelines for discussions within the EU as to its future relations with North Korea.The Troika delegation comprises Germany´s current EU presidency as well as representatives of the European Commission and the Secretariat General of the European Union. Portugal, which will take over the EU presidency after Germany, will also participate.
Today (Tuesday, 6 March), a delegation of the European Union, led by Germany´s EU presidency, will travel to Pyongyang in North Korea for two days of high-level political talks (6 8 March).
The aim of this trip by the EU Troika is to promote the rapid implementation of an agreement reached on 13 February in Beijing during the Six-Party Talks on North Korea´s nuclear programme. The European Union expressly welcomed this agreement. Furthermore, the delegation will emphasize that the EU expects the Six-Party Talks to continue with a view to implementing all the agreements included in the Joint Statement of 19 September 2005.
The European Union is committed to security and stability in the region and to the goal of a denuclearized Korean peninsula. For that reason, both Federal Foreign Minister Frank-Walter Steinmeier, as representative of the German presidency of the EU Council, and Javier Solana, the High Representative for the Common Foreign and Security Policy of the European Union Javier Solana, have welcomed the efforts made by the Six Parties and the understandings they have reached.
For the EU, the trip also is of an exploratory nature since the outcome of the visit will provide important guidelines for discussions within the EU as to its future relations with North Korea.The Troika delegation comprises Germany´s current EU presidency as well as representatives of the European Commission and the Secretariat General of the European Union. Portugal, which will take over the EU presidency after Germany, will also participate.
Monday, March 05, 2007
Europe and the Future of Georgia
The Presidency of the EU has issued the following statement:
The European Union reiterates its full support for the territorial integrity of Georgia within its internationally recognized borders and emphasises that it does not recognise the legitimacy of the so-called "Parliamentary elections" held in Abkhazia, Georgia, on 4 March 2007 and of the local elections held on 11 February 2007.
The European Union holds the view that elections in this region of Georgia can only be valid after all refugees and internally-displaced persons are given the right to a safe, secure and dignified return to their homes.
The European Union urges the parties concerned to immediately resume negotiations in order to reach a peaceful solution to the conflict.
The European Union reiterates its full support for the territorial integrity of Georgia within its internationally recognized borders and emphasises that it does not recognise the legitimacy of the so-called "Parliamentary elections" held in Abkhazia, Georgia, on 4 March 2007 and of the local elections held on 11 February 2007.
The European Union holds the view that elections in this region of Georgia can only be valid after all refugees and internally-displaced persons are given the right to a safe, secure and dignified return to their homes.
The European Union urges the parties concerned to immediately resume negotiations in order to reach a peaceful solution to the conflict.
Friday, March 02, 2007
Europe: 50 years after!
On March 25th, it will be the 50th anniversary of the Treaties of Rome (1957), the founding Treaties of the European Union.
Here's a good link to prepare for celebration!
Here's a brief intro:
On 25 March 1957, the European Economic Community (EEC) and the European Atomic Energy Community (EURATOM) for joint research and civil use of nuclear energy were founded with the signing of the Treaties in the Musei Capitolini in Rome. The two Treaties entered into force on 1 January 1958 after being ratified by the six Member States. Prior to this, the European Coal and Steel Community had been created in 1952 while the attempt to establish a European Defence Community had failed in 1954. But plans for European integration did not end there. As early as 1956, the Belgian Foreign Minister Paul-Henri Spaak presented his report on the draft Community Treaties foreseeing the creation of the EEC.
The merger treaty of 1965 brought the bodies of the three Communities together. The new group was commonly referred to as the European Community. This became part of the European Union (EU) in 1993.
As successfully as the Economic Community developed, the Atomic Energy Community created little momentum. Since the treaties for both Communities were signed that day in Rome, however, we usually talk about the "Treaties of Rome" in the plural.
Here's a good link to prepare for celebration!
Here's a brief intro:
On 25 March 1957, the European Economic Community (EEC) and the European Atomic Energy Community (EURATOM) for joint research and civil use of nuclear energy were founded with the signing of the Treaties in the Musei Capitolini in Rome. The two Treaties entered into force on 1 January 1958 after being ratified by the six Member States. Prior to this, the European Coal and Steel Community had been created in 1952 while the attempt to establish a European Defence Community had failed in 1954. But plans for European integration did not end there. As early as 1956, the Belgian Foreign Minister Paul-Henri Spaak presented his report on the draft Community Treaties foreseeing the creation of the EEC.
The merger treaty of 1965 brought the bodies of the three Communities together. The new group was commonly referred to as the European Community. This became part of the European Union (EU) in 1993.
As successfully as the Economic Community developed, the Atomic Energy Community created little momentum. Since the treaties for both Communities were signed that day in Rome, however, we usually talk about the "Treaties of Rome" in the plural.
Merkel pushes Europe (and its constitution)
Angela Merkel, the German Chancellor, is now presiding the Council of the European Union. Yesterday, she has delivered before the Bundestag, an interesting policy statement as an introduction to the forthcoing meeting of the council.
Every pro-European expects very much from the German presidency, also because Germany is doing very well economically at the moment. This is a breath of fresh air for Europe as a whole, as the economist pointed out few weeks ago.
The presidency only lasts for 6 months, so if something has to happen it will have to happen very soon. Here's a calendar of the proposed actions.
Here's the policy document.
And here's an excerpt where she mentions the European Constitution:
We know that the question as to what will happen to the Constitutional Treaty after our Presidency is – I believe rightly so – vitally important to our Presidency and, even more so, to the future of the European Union. It will determine how we go into the 2009 European elections. We know that we cannot shape the European Union's common future on the basis of the Nice Treaty. We need a treaty which focuses more on regional, that is to say, subsidiary responsibility, which renders Europe's institutions efficient, which makes it clear what unites the European Union. That is why we will carry on working until June on a roadmap to determine how we should proceed with the Constitutional Treaty. Initial consultations have shown that, despite all the difficulties, there is widespread consensus that we have to send the message that this European Union is capable of action.
Every pro-European expects very much from the German presidency, also because Germany is doing very well economically at the moment. This is a breath of fresh air for Europe as a whole, as the economist pointed out few weeks ago.
The presidency only lasts for 6 months, so if something has to happen it will have to happen very soon. Here's a calendar of the proposed actions.
Here's the policy document.
And here's an excerpt where she mentions the European Constitution:
We know that the question as to what will happen to the Constitutional Treaty after our Presidency is – I believe rightly so – vitally important to our Presidency and, even more so, to the future of the European Union. It will determine how we go into the 2009 European elections. We know that we cannot shape the European Union's common future on the basis of the Nice Treaty. We need a treaty which focuses more on regional, that is to say, subsidiary responsibility, which renders Europe's institutions efficient, which makes it clear what unites the European Union. That is why we will carry on working until June on a roadmap to determine how we should proceed with the Constitutional Treaty. Initial consultations have shown that, despite all the difficulties, there is widespread consensus that we have to send the message that this European Union is capable of action.
The End of the Italian Crisis
Today, Prody got the green light in the lower chamber of Parliament, La Camera. This was an expected result, as the majority in this chamber is clear, as opposed to the thin majority in the Senate.
The good side of the story is that the response to the crisis was quick and relatively painless.
The drawback is that Prodi's government is an unstable government in constant search of a majority.
His 12 points to govern Italy, shows that the Italian Constitution does not really facilitate the role of prime minister as a leader of the government.
Partly, this is perhaps due to Prodi's lack of charisma; partly, however, it comes down to the heavily parliamentarian regime in Italy. The prime minister is in many cases the puppet in the hands of the parliament and has no safeguards against mutinies
The good side of the story is that the response to the crisis was quick and relatively painless.
The drawback is that Prodi's government is an unstable government in constant search of a majority.
His 12 points to govern Italy, shows that the Italian Constitution does not really facilitate the role of prime minister as a leader of the government.
Partly, this is perhaps due to Prodi's lack of charisma; partly, however, it comes down to the heavily parliamentarian regime in Italy. The prime minister is in many cases the puppet in the hands of the parliament and has no safeguards against mutinies
Thursday, March 01, 2007
Yoo Shall Torture
Professor John Yoo gave a huge contribution to Bush's administration in its more troublesome period (2001-2003). His memo in defense of Torture is one of the most controversial, and in my mind, repelling documents ever written by a lawyer working for a government.
Yoo may have taken Alexander Hamilton as a role model, but he does not understand that boldness does not equate with lack of intellectual honesty.
Yoo's most recent book on this and other issues 'War by Other Means: An Insider's Account of the War on Terror,' has been admirably reviewed by David Luban in the New York Review of Books.
Yoo may have taken Alexander Hamilton as a role model, but he does not understand that boldness does not equate with lack of intellectual honesty.
Yoo's most recent book on this and other issues 'War by Other Means: An Insider's Account of the War on Terror,' has been admirably reviewed by David Luban in the New York Review of Books.
Prodi Survives, but how long?
Prodi survives, for the moment. The italian higher chamber gives green light to the government. But only few votes guarantee the numerical majority.
How long will Prodi-bis last? Not too long, I suspect. Enough to change the electoral law and to achieve few other reforms (probably small).
And there we go, we will vote again in a year or so.
How long will Prodi-bis last? Not too long, I suspect. Enough to change the electoral law and to achieve few other reforms (probably small).
And there we go, we will vote again in a year or so.
Wednesday, February 28, 2007
Italy's Never-ending Political Instability
Prodi will face the Senate this evening. In his speech yesterday he underlined the priority of the electoral law, which was modified by Berlusconi just before the elections last year.
If that is the priority, then Prodi clearly believes that his government (if the senate approves) will not last very long.
I believe that neither Prodi nor Berlusconi should run in case we had elections soon. They are both old and compromised. They are clearly unable to bring together a sensible coalition. Prodi's case is clear now, but Berlusconi's coalition is in pieces as well. Notably, the centre right party (UDC- Christian Democrats), does not want to accept B's leadership anymore.
If that is the priority, then Prodi clearly believes that his government (if the senate approves) will not last very long.
I believe that neither Prodi nor Berlusconi should run in case we had elections soon. They are both old and compromised. They are clearly unable to bring together a sensible coalition. Prodi's case is clear now, but Berlusconi's coalition is in pieces as well. Notably, the centre right party (UDC- Christian Democrats), does not want to accept B's leadership anymore.
Tuesday, February 27, 2007
Is Anti-Americanism serious in Italy?
Anti-Americanism in Italy is still present, unfortunately. Its roots are the communist movements that were very strong in the 70's and in the 80's. In 1976, the communist party
got the 33% of the votes.
Today, Italy is still partly stuck with its past and display irrational anti-american feelings.
Here's an interesting article on the issue.
got the 33% of the votes.
Today, Italy is still partly stuck with its past and display irrational anti-american feelings.
Here's an interesting article on the issue.
Monday, February 26, 2007
Democrats: Struggle for Power
Here's a briliant article on the NYRB describing the struggle for the democratic leadership in the US.
This is an introduction:
Who will be the Democrats' nominee for president, and how will that choice affect the center of gravity? The three leading contenders—Hillary Clinton, John Edwards, and Barack Obama—are making starkly different pitches to voters, based on quite different assumptions about what the party needs to do to break its stalemate. The next year and a half—in which we'll see if the Democrats make a success of their congressional majority and who captures the presidential nomination—will be the most consequential eighteen months the party has faced in some time.
This is an introduction:
Who will be the Democrats' nominee for president, and how will that choice affect the center of gravity? The three leading contenders—Hillary Clinton, John Edwards, and Barack Obama—are making starkly different pitches to voters, based on quite different assumptions about what the party needs to do to break its stalemate. The next year and a half—in which we'll see if the Democrats make a success of their congressional majority and who captures the presidential nomination—will be the most consequential eighteen months the party has faced in some time.
Play it Again, Romano
This Wednesday, Prodi is going to go back to Parliament to have his government (the same) re-approved.
He will obviously start with the Senate, as it is in the Senate that he lost the majority. It seems that some of the right wing senators are willing to support Prodi this time round, so his majority will increase, but it is unclear whether this move will make the government more stable.
He will obviously start with the Senate, as it is in the Senate that he lost the majority. It seems that some of the right wing senators are willing to support Prodi this time round, so his majority will increase, but it is unclear whether this move will make the government more stable.
Tribute to Ennio Morricone
Morricone is one of the greatest italian musician alive. The Oscar he won for his career at 78 testifies of a monumental achievement. But of even greater impact are his words: 'the prize is not an ending point, it is a starting point to improve further.'
Humility and continuous self-development are the most important characters of a great Man.
Humility and continuous self-development are the most important characters of a great Man.
Sunday, February 25, 2007
French Presidential Elections: Segolene Royal
Segolene is a mistery. Both to french and non-french. She is very keen to appear modern, a XXI century socialist.
Yet, the programme she has unveiled recently is only about welfare redistribution in a very old fashion socialist style.
Economically she is nothing really new. Socially, she claims she will be tough on crime and disorder, and this reminds us of Tony Blair. But Tony is nothing new. Plus, Tony without his economic achievement is close to nothing especially if you judge by his international politics.
So, who is Segolene, and what is XXI century socialism? Unfortunately, to look for an answer to this questions may be like 'waiting for Godot.'
Yet, the programme she has unveiled recently is only about welfare redistribution in a very old fashion socialist style.
Economically she is nothing really new. Socially, she claims she will be tough on crime and disorder, and this reminds us of Tony Blair. But Tony is nothing new. Plus, Tony without his economic achievement is close to nothing especially if you judge by his international politics.
So, who is Segolene, and what is XXI century socialism? Unfortunately, to look for an answer to this questions may be like 'waiting for Godot.'
Saturday, February 24, 2007
Scotland v Italy, 17-37: you'd better believe it!
This is a fine European Week-end. One needs to get away from politics and law from time to time...
Friday, February 23, 2007
Prodi's Lack of Leadership
Below are Prodi's non-negotiable conditions in case he will be offered
a second term in office.
Points 11 and 12 in particular show how weak is the former prime minister vis-a-vis the subcomponents of his coalition. Point 12, for example, says that the Prime Minister should be able to express the view of the government in case of contrasting viewpoints within the cabinet.
But, isn't that an implicit pre-condition of any government??? Do we really have to stress the importance of a self-evident truth?
The fact that Prodi feels the need of stressing it, is a sign of his weakness.
1. “Respect for international and peace commitments. Ongoing support for foreign policy and defence initiatives established in a UN framework and for Italy’s international commitments deriving from membership of the European Union and Atlantic Alliance, with reference among other things to the country’s current commitment to the mission in Afghanistan. Incisive action for the support and promotion of the asset represented by Italian communities abroad”.
2. “Strong commitment for culture, school, university, research and innovation”.
3. “Rapid implementation of the infrastructure plan, and in particular the European corridors, including Turin-Lyon. Commitment on sustainable mobility”.
4. “Programme for the efficiency and diversification of energy sources: renewable sources, and localisation and completion of regasification plants”.
5. “Continuation of liberalisation action and consumer protection in the context of services and professions”.
6. “Permanent attention and concrete commitment in favour of the South, starting with security”.
7. “Concrete, immediate action to significantly reduce public spending and spending related to political and institutional activities (politics-related costs)".
8. “Reorganisation of the welfare system with close attention to financial compatibility, focusing on low pensions and young people. With a commitment to source a proportion of the necessary resources by rationalising expenditure, partly by means of the unification of welfare institutions”.
9. “Reviving policies in support of the family by the extension of more substantial family allowances to all and a concrete plan for a significant increase in nursery schools”.
10. “Rapid solution of incompatibilities involving government and parliamentary appointments, in compliance with already agreed procedures”.
11. “In order to impress greater coherence on communication, the prime minister’s spokesperson will assume the role of spokesperson for the executive”.
12. “In line with this principle, to ensure full effectiveness of the government’s action, the prime minister shall have the authority to express the government’s position in a unitary fashion in case of contrast”.
a second term in office.
Points 11 and 12 in particular show how weak is the former prime minister vis-a-vis the subcomponents of his coalition. Point 12, for example, says that the Prime Minister should be able to express the view of the government in case of contrasting viewpoints within the cabinet.
But, isn't that an implicit pre-condition of any government??? Do we really have to stress the importance of a self-evident truth?
The fact that Prodi feels the need of stressing it, is a sign of his weakness.
1. “Respect for international and peace commitments. Ongoing support for foreign policy and defence initiatives established in a UN framework and for Italy’s international commitments deriving from membership of the European Union and Atlantic Alliance, with reference among other things to the country’s current commitment to the mission in Afghanistan. Incisive action for the support and promotion of the asset represented by Italian communities abroad”.
2. “Strong commitment for culture, school, university, research and innovation”.
3. “Rapid implementation of the infrastructure plan, and in particular the European corridors, including Turin-Lyon. Commitment on sustainable mobility”.
4. “Programme for the efficiency and diversification of energy sources: renewable sources, and localisation and completion of regasification plants”.
5. “Continuation of liberalisation action and consumer protection in the context of services and professions”.
6. “Permanent attention and concrete commitment in favour of the South, starting with security”.
7. “Concrete, immediate action to significantly reduce public spending and spending related to political and institutional activities (politics-related costs)".
8. “Reorganisation of the welfare system with close attention to financial compatibility, focusing on low pensions and young people. With a commitment to source a proportion of the necessary resources by rationalising expenditure, partly by means of the unification of welfare institutions”.
9. “Reviving policies in support of the family by the extension of more substantial family allowances to all and a concrete plan for a significant increase in nursery schools”.
10. “Rapid solution of incompatibilities involving government and parliamentary appointments, in compliance with already agreed procedures”.
11. “In order to impress greater coherence on communication, the prime minister’s spokesperson will assume the role of spokesperson for the executive”.
12. “In line with this principle, to ensure full effectiveness of the government’s action, the prime minister shall have the authority to express the government’s position in a unitary fashion in case of contrast”.
Italian Crisis reveils troubled TransAtlantic Relations
It is interesting to see that the Italian Government, whose majority was very thin anyhow, fell on a TransAtlantic issue, ie the American military base in Vicenza.
We need greater clarity on these type of issues. On the Italian side, I think that it is of the outmost importance to abandon any stereotypical adversion to the US. We are on the same side, we share the same values, and we have to keep cooperating as best as we can. It is only a small group of italian 'pseudo post-neo- communist' who think that America is a danger.
There's a lot to do on the American side, however. Bush did everything to create a very unilateralist image of the US. In Europe, and in the rest of the world, this means that many people do not trust America anymore. Its action is often perceived as purely self-interested, as opposed to based on a well balanced view of international relations and politics, not to mention a degree of principle.
We need greater clarity on these type of issues. On the Italian side, I think that it is of the outmost importance to abandon any stereotypical adversion to the US. We are on the same side, we share the same values, and we have to keep cooperating as best as we can. It is only a small group of italian 'pseudo post-neo- communist' who think that America is a danger.
There's a lot to do on the American side, however. Bush did everything to create a very unilateralist image of the US. In Europe, and in the rest of the world, this means that many people do not trust America anymore. Its action is often perceived as purely self-interested, as opposed to based on a well balanced view of international relations and politics, not to mention a degree of principle.
And the Crisis goes on...
The good thing about italian politics is that it is never dull. Something is happening all the time.
Fellini's movie " E la nave va" (and the Boat sails on) is a good metaphor for it. But at times the boat can sink and Italy is taking a lot of risks... Berlusconi's ghost is haunting us again.
You can find a report on the governmental crisis here.
Fellini's movie " E la nave va" (and the Boat sails on) is a good metaphor for it. But at times the boat can sink and Italy is taking a lot of risks... Berlusconi's ghost is haunting us again.
You can find a report on the governmental crisis here.
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